Mikhail Likhodei
Moscow authorities investigate bombing at Kotlyskovskoye cemetery
which killed Likhodei's wife and mother, successor to his job and his wife.
As true today as ever....
"The actions of Russia.... are a riddle
wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma."
Winston Churchill
Radio broadcast from London
October 1, 1939
      Neither today or ever has it been easy to understand
the shifting and complex intrigues of power and wealth in Russia, and it is with
no small amount of uncertainty that I write these lines. For the man I choose
to eulogize here as an honest soldier and corruption-fighter might very well
be quite the opposite - or most likely somewhere in the middle between angel
and devil. Nevertheless, I choose to write about Mikhail Likhodei for two reasons.
First, his murder and subsequent violence are especially shocking. Secondly,
I find his death and the circumstances that surround it highly instructive of
Russia as it painfully lurches into a new era of "democracy."
      Likhodei was murdered in a classic organized
crime professional killing. He, along with his bodyguard, were blown-up by
a bomb planted in the elevator in the lobby of his apartment building in
Moscow. Likhodei, his wife Yelena, and bodyguard all entered the elevator,
and then one of them pushed a button on the control panel detonating the
explosion which killed the two men and slightly injured Yelena. This was
on November 10, 1994.
      Exactly two years later, Likhodei's assassins
would catch up with his wife. On November 10, 1996, Likhodei's wife and other
mourners gathered at the Kotlyakovskoye cemetery in southern Moscow for a
memorial service for Mikhail. The Sunday morning was chilly, and a metal
table had been loaded with food and vodka for the more than 100 guests who
had gathered to pay their respects to Likhodei and his wife. However, a bomber
had buried several pounds of explosives under the table, and as soon as everyone
had assembled he detonated them from a distance of some 40 yards. The explosion
ripped through the mourners, set the food and drink flying, and catapulted
the metal table high into the air where it eventually came to land next to
Likhodei's grave.
      In total, 14 people died in the blast - among
them Likhodei's wife Yelena as well as his mother, and the successor to his
job Sergei Trakirov and his wife. After drinking two glasses of vodka that
morning in honor of his old friend Mikhail Likhodei, Alexander Boiko described
being suddenly knocked unconscious and then awaking bleeding from the head "surrounded
by dead bodies." According to deputy director of the cemetery Pyotr N. Semenikhin, "Death
was everywhere in this place - under the earth, on the ground and up in the
trees." Although some 500 yards away from the blast, Semenikhin was temporarily
deafened by the powerful explosion and was aghast at what he subsequently
witnessed at the bomb scene: "Many people were lying around bleeding and
moaning in pain. At that moment, I think those still alive must have envied
the dead." Dismembered body parts hung down from the leafless branches
of the trees in the cemetery like bloody streamers.
      7The whole grisly business seems to have revolved
around the Afghan War Invalids Foundation founded to assist disabled veterans
of the Soviet Union's ten-year war in Afghanistan. Likhodei, an army lieutenant
coronel who lost a leg and an eye in that war, was head of a group that ousted
former intelligence officer Valery Radchikov from the chairmanship of the
veterans' organization for alleged corruption. Likhodei, who subsequently
assumed the head of that foundation, and his backers filed papers in court
claiming that Radchikov had supposedly set up sweetheart deals with "unscrupulous" businessmen
to cut them in on over $800 million worth of duty free sales of liquor, cigarettes,
and food whose sales were supposed to directly aid disabled veterans. Furthermore,
Radchikov was allegedly unable to account for over $80 million in Afghan
War Foundation Funds. Col. Stanislav Zhorin of the Russian Federal Security
Police speculated that the cemetery bombing "was probably linked to a settling
of scores." There would seem little doubt that Radchikov and his followers
were responsible for the bombings. The conflict between the two factions
seems to have been by no means one-sided, however. On October 29, 1995 Radchikov
himself was wounded in a hail of bullets that killed his lawyer while in
Moscow traffic the night before they were to begin criminal proceedings on
corruption charges.
      A classic gangland "war" between two criminal
enterprises? An honest ex-soldier trying to cleanse a charity organization
of profiteers and criminals? There is no way to know which is closer to the
truth. For the sake of Russia, I would prefer to think that Mikhail Likhodei
was an honorable man who served his country with integrity to the end. However,
I wonder if rendering such service is entirely possible in "democratic" Russia,
where the scum seems to have risen to the top. Police today claim there are
over 466 organized gangs in Moscow alone fighting for control over post-Soviet
wealth and power in Russia. In 1994 alone, over 1,700 Muscovites were murdered.
In 1996, there were approximately 250 contract killings recorded in the Russian
capital.
      In the demise and death of the old Soviet regime,
the Russian people have been offered a historic opportunity to shape a more "free" or "democratic" future.
Unfortunately, the Russian experiment in democracy seems to be unfolding
rather badly. Life expectancy for men, ridiculously low under communism at
63 years, has fallen to 57! Production of agricultural products has in many
areas dropped well below 50% of what is was under Mikhail Gorbachev! Many
Russians think the West has conspired to weaken Russia since the demise of
the Soviet Union with its economic advice. Many Westerners think Russia is
nothing but a headache and a failure, and so why even bother? It is a monumental
mess! Socialism proved a failure in the Marxist-Leninism Soviet Union; capitalism
seems to be heading towards a similar fate in the new supposedly "democratic" Russia.
The pathetically feckless government of Alexander Kerensky in 1917 lasted
only weeks before being supplanted in a coup d'etat by the Bolsheviks, and
Russia spent the next seven decades serving as one large jail under Marxist-Leninism.
What will be the fate of liberal democracy in Russia after the era of Yeltsin
concludes? Will a nationalist authoritarian like Gen. Alexander I. Lebed
slouch into Moscow to assume power in a desperate, resentful nation with
a large nuclear arsenal?
      A democracy is the most difficult of all forms
of government since it requires at least a core educated populace willing
to participate actively in the life of the polis. Sitting back indifferently
and letting other people make decisions is not an effective democracy. Letting
the most ruthless and opportunistic in a society fight and claw their way
to the top will not result in a "free" civil society. What is needed are
a plurality of interested actors: grass-roots organizations, consumer groups,
political parties, neighborhood and professional associations of a thousand
different types and sizes. A genuinely free society needs to have at least
a modicum of faith in the institutions (legislative, judiciary, free press,
law enforcement, educational, industry, etc.) that collectively govern the
affairs of that country. In such a manner, the people can hopefully see what
happens around them and make informed decisions as to where the nation should
go in the future. Russia needs interested involvement at the grassroots level
to help build a mature civil society worthy of trust and resilient to corruption
and demagoguery. Power must flow from the bottom up and not vice versa. But
too many people in Russia still look at power as something "they" have over
which no control can be wrested! After another bout of bad economic news
people shake their heads resignedly and say, "What will they do to torment
us next?" That is not enough. "Russia will never change," says
the average Russian on the street. "All they [the politicians] do
is rob people." The idea that a government should be accountable to its
people, the people accountable for its government, has obviously in Russia
not caught on. Russians supposedly even laugh about a comment made by Viktor
Chernomyrdin, when he was prime minister the first time, that became famous: "We
tried to do our best, but it turned out the way it always does."
      When gangsters and robber barons openly flout
the law and prosper in full public view while decent and hard-working people
struggle, the damage has a ripple effect throughout society. As respect for
the law diminishes, the idea thrives that one lives better as a criminal
than as an honest person and that it is the law itself which is the main
obstacle to happiness and prosperity. Thus does organized crime become a
cancer which eats away at the legitimate underpinnings of a civil society.
Russia badly needs a functioning legal system with teeth! Pay-offs and bribes,
intimidation and murder as a means for settling business disputes, barter
rather than cash as the nexus of business transactions so as to avoid paying
taxes, the unbridled venality and vanity in economic and political elites....
In functioning democracies, the proper vehicle for all this are lawyers and
business codes and generally understood legal principles which carry the
weight of an independent and sovereign judiciary. Law and order, business
codes of conduct, regulatory structures, graduated tax schedules, etc., are
no less a requirement for a market economy than privatization, price liberalization,
and monetary stabilization. Free markets cannot exist without a supporting
set of political institutions. What strange breed of government is there
in Russia today? Top to bottom, Russia is a chaotic mess!
"This freedom came too soon to Poland. It was too sudden and abrupt.
We are behaving like animals freed all at once."
Piotr Thiem, tearfully commenting on his son's brutal murder
by thugs wielding American baseball bats.
One could say the same exact thing about Russia.
      Whether democracy thrives or starves to
death in Russia will not be the result of lawmakers or business elites
but the byproduct of the actions and beliefs of everyday people. As Adlai
E. Stevenson accurately, in my opinion, stated almost 50 years ago, "Democracy
cannot be answered by supermen, but only by the unswerving devotion and
goodness of millions of little men." On the other hand, if unchecked
the insidious venom of apathy and cynicism working its way through the
Russian soul will most assuredly murder nascent freedom while still in
her cradle. The triumph or failure of democracy in Russia will be the
collective triumph or the collective failure of the entire Russian people.
The base on which market economics flourish is a stable political order;
and to borrow the material and cultural accomplishments of the West -
computers, compact disks, mass media, rock music, fashionable clothing,
democratic politics - without also imbibing the fundamental values that
created such technologies and trends in the first place is to live on
borrowed time.
      Writing in the darkness of the 1930s when
liberal democracy seemed in retreat nearly everywhere in the world
in the face of advancing fascism and communism, John Dewey wrote the
following:
Everywhere there are waves of criticism and doubt as
to whether democracy can meet the pressing problems of order and
security. The causes of the destruction of political democracy in
countries where it was nominally established are complex. But of
one thing I think we may be sure. Wherever it has fallen it was too
exclusively political in nature. It has not become a part of the
bone and blood of the people in daily conduct of its life. Democratic
forms were limited to Parliament, elections and combats between parties.
What is happening proves conclusively, I think, that unless democratic
habits of thought and action are part of the fiber of a people, political
democracy is insecure. It can not stand in isolation. It must be
buttressed by the presence of democratic methods in all relationships.
Dewey wrote the above primarily with the failure of democratic civil
society in Germany and Italy in mind. But contemporary Russia trying
to emerge from the darkness of Marxist-Leninsm might be compared to the
Weimar Republic in Germany after WWI, and I think we can look on Dewey's
comments with considerable profit. Let us hope that Russia avoids the
fate of Weimar Germany! For countries like Poland and the Czech Republic,
the end of communism was a national liberation which brought to those
peoples surges of energy which can accompany a sense of cultural fulfillment.
On the other hand, the fall of communism in Russia meant the end of empire
and brought a collapse of spirit and loss of national vision. Again,
the parallels between defeated Germany after WWI and Russia today after
the Cold War are unnerving!
      An old professor of mine who defected from
the Soviet Union described to me once life in that time as the following: "We
pretended to work, and the communist bosses pretended to pay us!" Such
days (and thinking) in modern-day Russia are clearly over. Current
Russian businesses MUST match production to actually meet sales in
the marketplace. Russians today MUST actively participate politically
to ensure their voices are heard and that the country is not run by
cabal of opportunistic scoundrels. The corruption of "crony capitalism" --
where so-called private firms and private banks are owned and operated
by a small clique of individuals with buddy-buddy under the table relationships
with the government -- is not essentially any different from the failed
socialist system of state control and financing! The Russians entered
the 20th century suffering under despotism, saw their situation become
worse, and still have not significantly improved their lot as the 21st
century beckons at the doorstep. Back in 1854 the distinguished Russian
scholar T.N. Granovsky wrote pessimistically to a friend, "One has
to bear a great deal of faith and love in one's heart in order to keep
up any hope at all for the future of the most powerful of the Slav
tribes." How is it any different today?
      Some say that centuries of autocratic rule
and pesant illiteracy in Russia have resulted in a culture nearly devoid
of any tradition of democracy. They say that so many centuries of Czars
and Commissars and the politics of the vozhd ("bosses") demanding
nothing more from the average Russian than blind obedience have created
a populace utterly lacking in individual initiative and corruption
to the core. They say Russia is fundamentally different from the West,
as well as from the advanced East. Can Russia outgrow such a social
legacy? No country confronts the future and the challenges of the future
with a clean slate absent of geography and history, and Russian society
brings with it a sociological legacy of authoritarianism going back
beyond recall. Russia is a society, after all, which never directly
absorbed Greek philosophy, Roman law, the Renaissance, the Reformation,
or the Enlightenment. The most optimistic claim that Russia indeed
is evolving slowly but surely -- that these are just "growing pains."
      I don't know. In watching the "new Russia" take
shape, my heart has sunk right through my shoes! Life has become almost
universally more impoverished and violent in Russia, and the future
is an open question. Clearly, the present situation is hugely unsatisfactory,
and the saga of unstable and heavily-armed Russia threatens to become
the horror story of the late 20th century. The Russian people are tired
and poor, largely indifferent -- beat down by seven decades of communist
rule and then the more recent hardships. Whatever society eventually
develops, we can only hope that the historical cycle of revolution-chaos-totalitarianism
in Russia might come to an end. Whatever shape it finally assumes,
I wish the land of Pushkin, Tolstoy, Rachmaninoff, and Dostoyevsky
a peaceful and prosperous future to belie her harsh and absolutist
past.
Wretched and abundant,
Oppressed and powerful,
Weak and mighty,
Mother Russia!
Nikolai Nekrasov